Judges’ letter and case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto case

Flashback to April 4, 1979: The Case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

On that fateful morning, as I prepared for school, a somber atmosphere engulfed our home. My mother’s teary eyes spoke volumes – something dreadful had occurred. It was the execution of Pakistan’s inaugural democratically elected Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, at the hands of the despised military regime.

While not entirely unexpected, the event sent shockwaves across the nation. Many had held onto hope for a different outcome until the very end. Despite international appeals for clemency from various nations, including the United States and Saudi Arabia, General Zia-ul-Haq dismissed them as political maneuvers.

Bhutto himself, in his book “If I Am Assassinated,” noted the Supreme Court’s recommendation to commute his sentence, which was ultimately rejected by Zia-ul-Haq. It became evident that someone had to bear the brunt – either Bhutto or Zia-ul-Haq. The latter option prevailed, marking the tragic end of Bhutto’s life.

This event marked a pivotal juncture in Pakistan’s tumultuous history, resonating profoundly to this day. One can only speculate on the alternate course of events had the military not intervened in 1977, allowing for a peaceful transition of power between the government and the opposition before Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law.

Bhutto’s tenure from 1971 to 1977 witnessed a flawed democracy, yet his removal initially hinted at positive developments. The year 1972, in particular, symbolized a period of revival for Pakistan, albeit omitting the preceding year’s tragedies that led to the country’s fragmentation and the birth of Bangladesh.

The dismissal of the National Awami Party (NAP) governments in Balochistan and the Frontier in 1973 shattered many hopes. Numerous leaders, both from the NAP and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), were incarcerated, paving the way for opportunistic replacements.

Had the military not intervened, the trajectory of progress under civilian rule remains uncertain. However, it’s conceivable that a return to civilian governance would have been less detrimental. Bhutto’s decision to appoint Zia-ul-Haq as Chief of Army Staff proved to be a monumental error, as did entrusting General Tikka Khan with overseeing operations in Balochistan.

The establishment of the Para Military Security Force further compounded the situation, as evidenced by Masood Mahmood’s fabricated testimony, which played a crucial role in Bhutto’s conviction. While insufficient for a death sentence on its own, pressure from Zia-ul-Haq and Lahore High Court Chief Justice Maulvi Mushtaq, driven by ambitions of promotion, led to Bhutto’s execution.

Recent revelations of judicial interference underscore the progress made in Bhutto’s appeal against his sentence. Despite intimidation tactics, some judges remained steadfast in their opposition to the death penalty.

Last month, the Supreme Court acknowledged the lack of a fair trial for Bhutto. While the verdict cannot be overturned, the hurried execution remains a stain on the nation’s history.

Bhutto’s untimely demise at the age of 51, along with the premature deaths of his sons Shah Nawaz and Mir Murtaza, and daughter Benazir Bhutto, sent shockwaves through the Muslim world. Yet, the aftermath of his death has further exacerbated Pakistan’s challenges.

Source: DAWN

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